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the average marks obtained by 22 candidtes is 45 the average of the first 10 is 55 while that of the last 11 is 40 the marks obtained by the candidates are
ride is to horse,smoke is to ___
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Who among the following Indian leaders was dismissed by the British from the Indian Civil Services? (a) Satyendranath Tagore (b) Surendranath Bennerjee (c) R. C. dutta (d) Dadabhai Nooroji
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If one always ought to act so as to produce the best possible circumstances, then morality is extremely demanding. No one could plausibly claim to have met the requirements of this "simple principle." . . . It would seem strange to punish those intending to do good by sentencing them to an impossible task. Also, if the standards of right conduct are as extreme as they seem, then they will preclude the personal projects that humans find most fulfilling. From an analytic perspective, the potential extreme demands of morality are not a "problem." A theory of morality is no less valid simply because it asks great sacrifices. In fact, it is difficult to imagine what kind of constraints could be put on our ethical projects. Shouldn't we reflect on our base prejudices, and not allow them to provide boundaries for our moral reasoning? Thus, it is tempting to simply dismiss the objections to the simple principle. However, in Demands of Morality, Liam Murphy takes these objections seriously for at least two distinct reasons. First, discussion of the simple principle provides an excellent vehicle for a discussion of morality in general. Perhaps, in a way, this is Murphy's attempt at doing philosophy "from the inside out.". . . Second, Murphy's starting point tells us about the nature of his project. Murphy must take seriously the collisions between moral philosophy and our intuitive sense of right and wrong. He [must do so] because his work is best interpreted as intended to forge moral principles from our firm beliefs, and not to proscribe beliefs given a set of moral principles. [Murphy] argues from our considered judgments rather than to them. . . For example, Murphy cites our "simple but firmly held" beliefs as supporting the potency of the over-demandingness objection, and nowhere in the work can one find a source of moral values divorced from human preferences. Murphy does not tell us what set of "firm beliefs" we ought to have. Rather, he speaks to an audience of well-intentioned but unorganized moral realists, and tries to give them principles that represent their considered moral judgments. Murphy starts with this base sense of right and wrong, but recognizes that it needs to be supplemented by reason where our intuitions are confused or conflicting. Perhaps Murphy is looking for the best interpretation of our convictions, the same way certain legal scholars try to find the best interpretation of our Constitution. This approach has disadvantages. Primarily, Murphy's arguments, even if successful, do not provide the kind of motivating force for which moral philosophy has traditionally searched. His work assumes and argues in terms of an inner sense of morality, and his project seeks to deepen that sense. Of course, it is quite possible that the moral viewpoints of humans will not converge, and some humans have no moral sense at all. Thus, it is very easy for the moral skeptic to point out a lack of justification and ignore the entire work. On the other hand, Murphy's choice of a starting point avoids many of the problems of moral philosophy. Justifying the content of moral principles and granting a motivating force to those principles is an extraordinary task. It would be unrealistic to expect all discussions of moral philosophy to derive such justifications. Projects that attempt such a derivation have value, but they are hard pressed to produce logical consequences for everyday life. In the end, Murphy's strategy may have more practical effect than its first-principle counterparts, which do not seem any more likely to convince those that would reject Murphy's premises.
The rich analysts of Fernand Braudel arid his fellow Annales historians have made significant contributions to historical theory and research. In a departure from traditional historical approaches, the Annales historians assume (as do Marxists) that history cannot be limited to a simple recounting of conscious human actions, but must be understood in the context of forces and material conditions that underlie human behavior. Braudel was the first Annales historian to gain widespread support for the idea that history should synthesize data from various social sciences, especially economics, in order to provide a broader view of human societies over time (although Febvre and Bloch, founders of the Annales school, had originated this approach). Braudel conceived of history as the dynamic interaction of three temporalities. The first of these, the evenmentielle, involved short-lived dramatic events such as battles, revolutions, and the actions of great men, which had preoccupied traditional historians like Carlyle. Conjonctures was Braudel’s term for larger cyclical processes that might last up to half a century. The longue duree, a historical wave of great length, was for Braudel the most fascinating of the three temporalities. Here he focused on those aspects of everyday life that might remain relatively unchanged for centuries. What people ate, what they wore, their means and routes of travel—for Braudel these things create “structures’ that define the limits of potential social change for hundreds of years at a time. Braudel’s concept of the longue duree extended the perspective of historical space as well as time. Until the Annales school, historians had taken the juridical political unit—the nation-state, duchy, or whatever—as their starting point. Yet, when such enormous timespans are considered, geographical features may well have more significance for human populations than national borders, In his doctoral thesis, a seminal work on the Mediterranean during the reign of Philip II, Braudel treated the geohistory of the entire region as a “structure” that had exerted myriad influences on human lifeways since the first settlements on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. And so the reader is given such arcane information as the list of products that came to Spanish shores from North Africa, the seasonal routes followed by Mediterranean sheep and their shepherds, and the cities where the best ship timber could be bought. Braudel has been faulted for the imprecision of his approach. With his Rabelaisian delight in concrete detail, Braudel vastly extended the realm of relevant phenomena but this very achievement made it difficult to delimit the boundaries of observation, a task necessary to beginning any social investigation. Further, Braudel and other Annales historians minimize the differences among the social sciences. Nevertheless, the many similarly designed studies aimed at both professional and popular audiences indicate that Braudel asked significant questions that traditional historians had overlooked. 14) The primary purpose of the passage is to: a) show how Braudel’s work changed the conception of Mediterranean life held by previous historians. b) evaluate Braudel’s criticisms of traditional and Marxist historiography. c) contrast the perspective of the longue duree with the actions of major historical figures d) outline some of Braudel’s influential conceptions and distinguish them from conventional approaches. 15) The author refers to the work of Febvre and Bloch in order to: a) illustrate the limitations of the Annale tradition of historical interpretation. b) suggest the relevance of economics to historical investigation. c) debate the need for combining various sociological approaches. d) show that previous Annales historians anticipated Braudel’s focus on economics. 16) According to the passage, all of the following are aspects of Braudel’s approach to history EXCEPT that he: a) attempted to draw on various social sciences. b) studied social and economic activities that occurred across national boundaries. c) pointed out the link between increased economic activity and the rise of nationalism. d) examined seemingly unexciting aspects of everyday life. 17) In the third paragraph, the author is primarily concerned with discussing: a) Braudel’s fascination with obscure facts. b) Braudel’s depiction of the role of geography in human history. c) the geography of the Mediterranean region. d) the irrelevance of national borders. 18) The passage suggests that, compared with traditional historians, Annales/i> historians are: a) more interested in other social sciences than in history. b) critical of the achievements of famous historical figures. c) skeptical of the validity of most economic research. d) more interested in the underlying context of human behavior. 19) Which of the Following statements would be most likely to follow the last sentence of the passage? a) Few such studies however, have been written by trained economists. b) It is time, perhaps, for a revival of the Carlylean emphasis on personalities. c) Many historians believe that Braudel’s conception of three distinct “temporalities” is an oversimplification. d) Such diverse works as Gascon’s study of Lyon and Barbara Tuchman’s A Distant Mirror testify to his relevance. 20) The author is critical of Braudel’s perspective for which of the Following reasons a) It seeks structures that underlie all forms of social activity. b) It assumes a greater similarity among the social sciences than actually exists. c) It fails to consider the relationship between short-term events and long-term social activity. d) It rigidly defines boundaries for social analysis.
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